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The fusionist strategy of libertarians binding themselves to the right and to the GOP as the chief vectors for bringing new people to the movement and for affecting policy change has largely been a failure, and a costly one.
In a prior thread I talked about the damage this has done in terms of overrepresentation of right-wing perspectives within the movement itself. Now I want to look at fusionist error in the context of how libertarians associate and affiliate with lawmakers. twitter.com/ARossP/status/1492284036726857730
Journalists often refer to libertarian public policy organizations and scholars as "conservative." This frustrates libertarians but is understandable, given libertarians disproportionately work with Republican lawmakers, invite them to events, give them speaking engagements, etc.
That connections with the GOP outnumber those with Democrats shouldn't be taken as a sign that conservatives are more libertarian than liberals, especially in a post-Trump, populist GOP political environment. Instead, it's a sign of which policy areas are seen to matter most.
In order to ally with Republicans, libertarians have become incredibly permissive of anti-liberty, even authoritarian, views if they're in a rightward, social control direction, while being excessively exclusionary on even the most minimal left economics.
A lawmaker who wants to drop bombs, build a wall, & ban CRT gets cozied up to if he's good on business regulations. (Though he's probably bad on free speech for online platforms, something easily overlooked, or rationalized via "we need to understand where they're coming from.")
But a lawmaker who is great on criminal justice, surveillance, immigration, and gay rights won't get much in the way of outreach efforts if he's also in favor of increasing welfare payments.
This asymmetry has the effect of creating a libertarian movement where supporting (some kinds of) economic liberty is the primary, and close to exclusive, litmus test, downplaying the importance of other liberties central to libertarianism, and foundational to our movement.
So while libertarians care about social issues, civil rights, etc., when deciding which lawmakers to partner with, cultivate relationships with, or publicly associate with, we tend to narrow our scope largely to those issues friendliest to conservatives, and marginalize liberals.
Embedding libertarianism within the GOP also damages our brand. When you have figures like Rand Paul & Thomas Massie tied to us in the public eye, libertarians are at a disadvantage in conversations meant to convince others that we are principled, reasonable, and serious.
When GOP leadership was more Reaganite, these concerns, while quite still present, could at least be overlooked more easily. Now, however, with the GOP having rejected economic liberty in favor of populism, and easily the less libertarian of the two parties, they're glaring.
Libertarianism needs to become more diverse, not just within the movement itself, but in its approach to policy outreach and change. It needs to abandon its fusionist ties to conservatism and instead take a more ecumenical approach to the two parties. That's the only way forward.