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One way to view the fundamental ideological divide between the American far left and far right is that the left's primary concern is tearing down existing, "traditional," or "natural" hierarchies of status and power, and the right wants to maintain them.
Using terms from Arnold Kling's "The Three Languages of Politics," the left sees these hierarchies as a kind of "oppression," and sides with the "oppressed" against them. The right sees them as a sign of "civilization," and so opposes the "barbarians."
A quick side: Arnold Kling's "The Three Languages of Politics" is one of the most insightful and clarifying books about our political divides written in years, and you can read it for free. Now back to your regularly scheduled thread. libertarianism.org/books/three-languages-politics
Libertarianism at its heart is a philosophy grounded in rejecting hierarchies of political power as immoral and unjustified. This general suspicion of power, especially power with state support, ought to make us sympathetic to the left's motivation, and many of us are. Except...
Libertarians recognize that the market isn't just the greatest engine for creating widespread wealth ever found, but also the most powerful tool for tearing down calcified hierarchies of power. It does this by incentivizing activity that cares nothing for traditional divisions.
In a market, where the incentivized behavior is to meet others' wants or needs to such a degree that they willing compensate you at a profit, ideas like racism, misogyny, classism, etc., are irrational barriers to free association. They can exist, yes, but they're suboptimal.
Truly free markets will push back against them. Open competition will undercut concentration and monopoly. If the left cares about undoing hierarchies and oppressor/oppressed relationships, they should love markets. And they should loathe the state, the greatest oppressor of all.
But instead, the left quite likes power with state support, mistakenly believing that unjust hierarchies of status and power are the result of the market, and that an empowered state is the solution. Their chief political move is to give the state more scope and more power.
The American far right, on the other hand, has a clearer picture of what the state is, and seeks to use it to maintain their preferred hierarchies. The right has a very narrow vision of how we ought to live, and they're happy to see the state enforce it at the point of a gun.
The right's pro-market rhetoric has always been largely a mirage. They liked markets when they believed markets produced wealth, but didn't interfere with "traditional" or preferred hierarchies. But as soon as markets began undermining those hierarchies, the right turned on them.
This explains why so many Republicans attacked open markets during the Trump administration, and why they are so keen to use the federal government to heavily regulate big tech and "woke" companies. twitter.com/ARossP/status/1403080264063066115?s=20
The rise of self-described "national conservatives" is the right making explicit what it's believed all along. Senator Josh Hawley has been clear about this all the way back to his time as private lawyer, long before his political career. aaronrosspowell.com/p/the-anti-americanism-of-josh-hawley
The right claims it's only looking out for the good of the country, and that these hierarchies of power or status are "natural." But "natural" inevitably means either "What I'm used to" or "Whatever places me, and people like me, at the top."
This leaves libertarians, who embrace political liberty and free markets precisely because those maximize autonomy and create the wealth that enables everyone to more fully act upon their autonomy, stuck between two sides who reject one or both.
Our job as libertarians is to convince the left that the state, and the political control and violence that come with it, isn't just counterproductive to their project, but existentially so. And to convince the right that they shouldn't feel threatened by pluralism and dynamism.