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From 2014 to 2022, the Azov Regiment was based in the city of Mariupol in southeast Ukraine, and this year the Azov fighters gained global visibility as defenders of the city.
The “What about Azov Nazis?” canard has become a ubiquitous tu quoque” that Russia deploys to problematise Western support for Ukraine, and distract from its own record of atrocities.
Literally meaning “you also” in Latin, this logical fallacy is more informally known as “whataboutism”, and has been deployed in Russian propaganda for decades.
In cruder terms, one might recall the playground retort, “I know you are, but what am I?”
Nonetheless, Russian state media makes endless reference to the diabolical “Azovtsy” to justify its brutal invasion of Ukraine.
ria.ru/organization_Batalon_Azov/
An analysis of more than eight million Russian media pieces charts how the bogeyman of “Nazism” in Ukraine has saturated their media post-invasion, with the supposed threat of Azov “neo-Nazis” weaponised to justify Russia’s brutal destruction of Mariupol.
nytimes.com/interactive/2022/07/02/world/europe/ukraine-nazis-russia-media.html
While we cannot expect integrity from Russian state channels, it’s lamentable that this trope also persists in our media.
Russia weaponised the supposed threat of Azov “neo-Nazis” to justify its brutal destruction of Mariupol, including the Azovstal steel factory.
A failure to engage with Ukrainian sources
The Azov-Nazi obsession demonstrates a remarkable failure to engage with Ukrainian sources, including the experiences of its Jewish community, which has long been scathing of the Russian claim that neo-Nazim is widespread in Ukraine.
bbc.com/news/world-europe-29991777
Frankly, photographs of both Ukrainian and Russian soldiers sporting tattoos or patches with far-right imagery aren’t difficult to find.
As uncomfortable as this can sit with us, Gomza writes that the gravity of many of these symbols simply isn’t widely known in Ukraine,
While most Russian propaganda makes huge numbers of unspecific and often-implausible claims (sometimes called the “firehose method”), the framing of the Azov Regiment as diabolical neo-Nazis has been focused, consistent and relentless.
rand.org/pubs/perspectives/PE198.html
Although Ukrainian sources have been withering about the Azov-Nazi connection for years, a “Western gaze”
and a lack of area knowledge has enabled this myth to persist in both journalistic and academic spheres.
A sense of ‘moral procrastination’
newrepublic.com/article/165603/carlson-russia-ukraine-imperialism-nato
If the war pits two equally problematic sides against each other, inaction becomes morally justified.
Such “moral procrastination” makes it easier to defer the difficult collective decisions necessary to break the back of the Russian war machine – especially breaking free from dependency on Russian oil and gas imports.